Chinese unification

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Chinese unification
China map.png
Territory controlled by the People's Republic of China (PRC) (purple) and the Republic of China (ROC) (orange). The size of minor islands has been exaggerated in this map for ease of visibility.
Traditional Chinese中國統一
Simplified Chinese中国统一
Literal meaningChina unification
Cross-Strait (Re)unification
Traditional Chinese海峽兩岸統一
Simplified Chinese海峡两岸统一
Literal meaningTwo shores of strait unification
National Emblem of the Republic of China.svg
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Chinese (re)unification, more specifically Cross-Strait (re)unification, is the irredentist concept of Greater China that expresses the goal of (re)unifying the alleged mainland region of China and Taiwan region (of China) under the same real (de facto) administration.

Currently, the "mainland region" (commonly referred to as just "China" by other countries) is administered by the People's Republic of China (China/PRC), which is currently recognized by most countries and intergovernmental organizations (most prominently, the United Nations) as the rightful (de jure) sovereign state ruling over both China and the Taiwan region. The Taiwan region, which consists not only of the claimed Taiwan Province (of the PRC) but also of a small section of Fujian Province, is currently administered by the Republic of China (Taiwan/ROC), a state with limited (but not zero) recognition.

Background[edit]

In the year 1895, the Qing dynasty, which was recognized as the legitimate government of China at the time, lost the First Sino-Japanese War and was forced to cede Taiwan and Penghu to the Empire of Japan after signing the Treaty of Shimonoseki. Over sixteen years later, the Qing dynasty was overthrown and was replaced by the Republic of China (1912–1949) (ROC); the founding date of the ROC is January 1, 1912. Based on the Theory of the Succession of States, the ROC originally lay claim to the entire territory which belonged to the Qing, except for Taiwan, which the ROC recognized as belonging to the Empire of Japan at the time. The ROC managed to attain widespread recognition as the legitimate successor state to the Qing dynasty during the years following the overthrowal of the Qing.

In the year 1945, the ROC won the Second Sino-Japanese War, which was intertwined with World War II, and took control of Japanese Taiwan on behalf of the World War II Allies, following the Japanese surrender. The ROC immediately asserted its claim to Taiwan as "Taiwan Province, Republic of China", basing its claim on the Potsdam Declaration and the Cairo Communique. Around this time, the ROC nullified the Treaty of Shimonoseki, declaring it to be one of the many "Unequal Treaties" imposed on China (under the Qing) during the so-called "Century of Humiliation". At the time, the Kuomintang (KMT) was the ruling party of the ROC, and was widely recognized as its legitimate representative, especially due to the collaboration of its leader Chiang Kai-shek with the World War II Allies.

However, throughout much of the reign of the ROC, China had been internally divided, during a period which is known as the "Warlord Era of China". According to the common narrative, the ROC was divided into many different ruling cliques and secessionist states, which were in a constant power struggle following the power vacuum which was created after the overthrowal of the Qing. During this period, two ruling cliques eventually came out on top; that of the KMT, backed by the United States, and that of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), backed by the Soviet Union. The power struggle between these two specific political parties has come to be known as the Chinese Civil War. The Chinese Civil War was fought sporadically throughout the ROC's history; it was interrupted by the Second Sino-Japanese War.

After the Second Sino-Japanese War concluded, the Chinese Civil War resumed, and the CCP quickly gained a huge advantage over the KMT (ruling the ROC). In 1949, the KMT evacuated its government (the ROC), its military, and around 1.2–2 million loyal citizens to Taiwan, which had only been ruled by the KMT for around four years by this time. Back in mainland China, the CCP proclaimed the "People's Republic of China (PRC)", effectively creating a reality of Two Chinas. Following the creation of Two Chinas, the PRC began to fight a diplomatic war against the ROC on Taiwan over official recognition as the sole legitimate government of China. Eventually, the PRC (mostly) won this war, and ascended to the position of "China" in the United Nations in 1971, evicting the ROC from that same position.

This left an awkward situation where the ROC still ruled Taiwan but was not recognized as a member state of the United Nations. In recent years, membership in the United Nations has become almost an essential qualifier of statehood. Most states with limited recognition are not at all recognized by most governments and intergovernmental organizations. However, the ROC on Taiwan is a unique case, given that it has still managed to attain a significant degree of unofficial international recognition, even though most countries do not officially recognize its existence. This is mainly due to the fact that the ROC was previously recognized as the legitimate government of China, providing an extensive framework for unofficial diplomatic relations to be conducted between the ROC on Taiwan and other countries.

In the years following the ROC's retreat to Taiwan, Taiwan has gone through a series of significant social, political, economic, and cultural shifts, strengthening the divide between Taiwan and mainland China. This has been further exacerbated by Taiwan's history as a colony of the Japanese Empire, which led to the establishment of a unique Taiwanese identity and the desire for Taiwan independence. The Taiwan independence movement has grown considerably stronger in recent decades, and has especially become a viable force on the island ever since the ROC's transition to multi-party politics, during what has become known as the Democratization of Taiwan. Due to this new political reality, independence-oriented parties have been able to gain majority control over Taiwan (ROC) via elections.

China (PRC) has never recognized the existence of Two Chinas. China (PRC) asserts that the ROC ceased to exist in the year 1949, when the PRC was proclaimed. Officially, China (PRC) refers to the territory controlled by Taiwan (ROC) as "Taiwan area", and to the government of Taiwan (ROC) as the "Taiwan authorities". China (PRC) continues to claim Taiwan as its 23rd Province, and the Fujianese territories still under Taiwanese (ROC) control as parts of Fujian Province. China (PRC) has established the One-China policy in order to clarify its intention. In 2005, China (PRC) passed the "Anti-Secession Law" in order to discourage Taiwan independence sentiments and in order to legitimize the use of force against Taiwan, which it claims would fall under the definition of an "internal conflict of China", if Taiwan approaches independence.

Most Taiwanese (ROC) people oppose joining China (PRC) for various reasons, including fears of the loss of Taiwan (ROC)'s democracy, human rights, and Taiwanese nationalism. Opponents either favour maintaining the status quo of Republic of China administrating Taiwan or the pursuit of Taiwan independence.[1] The ROC Constitution states that its territory includes the mainland,[2] but the official policy of the ROC government is dependent on which coalition is currently in power. The position of the Pan-Blue Coalition, which comprises the Kuomintang (KMT), the People First Party and the New Party is to eventually incorporate the mainland into the ROC, while the position of Pan-Green Coalition, composed of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Taiwan Solidarity Union, is to pursue Taiwan independence.[3][4]

History of "Chinese unification" in China (PRC)[edit]

The concept of "Chinese (re)unification" was developed in the 1970s as part of the Chinese Communist Party's strategy to address the "Taiwan Issue" as China (PRC) started to normalize foreign relations with a number of countries including the United States[5] and Japan.[6]

In 1979, the National People's Congress (of China) published “Message to Compatriots in Taiwan” (告台湾同胞书) which included the term "Chinese reunification" as an ideal for Cross-Strait relations.[7] In 1981, the Chairman of the People's Congress Standing Committee Ye Jianying announced the "Nine Policies" for China (PRC)'s stance on Cross-Strait relations, with "Chinese Peaceful Unification" (祖国和平统一) as the first policy.[8] Ever since then, "One Country Two Systems" and "Chinese reunification" have been emphasized at every National Congress of the Communist Party as the principles to "deal with" Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan (ROC). "One Country, Two Systems" is specifically about China (PRC)'s policy towards post-colonial Hong Kong and Macao, and "Chinese Unification" is specifically about Taiwan (ROC).[9] Taiwan (ROC) has also been offered the resolution of "One Country Two Systems"

History of "Chinese unification" in Taiwan (ROC)[edit]

Taiwan has a complicated history of being administered by larger foreign powers including the Dutch East India Company, the Southern Ming Dynasty, the Qing dynasty and The Empire of Japan. Taiwan first fell under Chinese control when it was invaded by the Manchu-led Qing dynasty in 1683.[10]

The island remained under Qing rule until 1895 when it came under the control of the Empire of Japan. Following the Axis power’s defeat in World War II in 1945, the Kuomintang-led Republic of China gained control of Taiwan.[10] Some Taiwanese resisted ROC rule in the years following World War II. The ROC violently suppressed this resistance which culminated in the 228 Massacre of 1947.[11] With the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1950, Taiwan and China were separated from each other with governments on both sides aiming for a military takeover of the other.

The irredentist narrative emphasizing the importance of a united Greater China Area, which purportedly include Taiwan, arose in both the Chinese Nationalist Party and the Chinese Communist Party in the years during and after the civil war. For the PRC, the claim of the Greater China Area was part of a nationalist argument for territorial integrity. In the civil war years it set the communist movement apart from the ROC, which had lost Manchuria, the homeland of the Qing Emperors, to Japan in 1932.[12]

Rise of Tangwai and Taiwanese nationalism[edit]

From the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1950 until the mid-1970s the concept of unification was not the main subject of discourse between the governments of the PRC and the ROC. The Kuomintang (KMT) believed that they would, probably with American help, one day retake China, while Mao Zedong's communist regime would collapse in a popular uprising and the Kuomintang forces would be welcomed.[13]

By the 1970s, the Kuomintang's authoritarian military dictatorship in Taiwan (led by the Chiang family) was becoming increasingly untenable due to the popularity of the Tangwai movement and Taiwanese nationalists. In 1970, then-Vice Premier (and future President) Chiang Ching-kuo survived an assassination attempt in New York City by Cheng Tzu-tsai and Peter Huang, both members of the World United Formosans for Independence. In 1976, Wang Sing-nan sent a mail bomb to then-Governor of Taiwan Province Hsieh Tung-min, who suffered serious injuries to both hands as a result.[14] The Kuomintang's heavy-handed oppression in the Kaohsiung Incident, alleged involvement in the Lin family massacre and the murders of Chen Wen-chen and Henry Liu, and the self-immolation of Cheng Nan-jung galvanized the Taiwanese community into political actions and eventually led to majority rule and democracy in Taiwan.

The concept of unification replaced the concept of liberation by the PRC in 1979 as it embarked, after Mao's death, on economic reforms and pursued a more pragmatic foreign policy. In Taiwan, the possibility of retaking China became increasingly remote in the 1970s, particularly after Taiwan's expulsion from the United Nations in 1971, the establishment of diplomatic relations between the PRC and United States in 1979, and Chiang Kai-shek's death in 1975.[12]

Majority rule in Taiwan[edit]

With the end of authoritarian rule in the 1980s, there was a shift in power within the KMT away from the faction who had accompanied Chiang to Taiwan. Taiwanese who grew up under Japanese rule, which account for more than 85% of the population, gained more influence and the KMT began to move away from its ideology of cross-strait unification. Martial law was finally lifted in Taiwan on July 15, 1987. Following the Wild Lily student movement, President Lee Teng-hui announced in 1991 that his government no longer disputed the rule of the Communists in China, leading to semi-official peace talks (leading to what would be termed as the "1992 consensus") between the two sides. The PRC broke off these talks in 1999 when President Lee described relations with the PRC as "special state-to-state".

Until the mid-1990s, unification supporters on Taiwan were bitterly opposed to the Communist Party. Since the mid-1990s a considerable warming of relations between the Communist Party and Taiwanese unification supporters, as both oppose the pro-Taiwan independence bloc. This brought about the accusation that unification supporters were attempting to sell out Taiwan. They responded saying that closer ties with mainland China, especially economic ties, are in Taiwan's interest.

Rise of the Democratic Progressive Party[edit]

After the ROC Presidential elections of 2000, which brought the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party's candidate President Chen Shui-bian to power, the Kuomintang, faced with defections to the People First Party, expelled Lee Teng-hui and his supporters and reoriented the party towards unification. At the same time, the People's Republic of China shifted its efforts at unification away from military threats (which it de-emphasized but did not renounce) towards economic incentives designed to encourage Taiwanese businesses to invest in China and aiming to create a pro-Beijing bloc within the Taiwanese electorate.

Within Taiwan, unification supporters tend to see "China" as a larger cultural entity divided by the Chinese Civil War into separate states or governments within the country. In addition, supporters see Taiwanese identity as one piece of a broader Chinese identity rather than as a separate cultural identity. However, supporters do oppose desinicization inherent in Communist ideology such as that seen during the Cultural Revolution, along with the effort to emphasize a Taiwanese identity as separate from a Chinese one. As of the 2008 election of President Ma Ying-Jeou, the KMT agreed to the One China principle, but defined it as led by the Republic of China rather than the People's Republic of China.

One China, Two Systems proposal[edit]

Anti-Taiwan independence protesters in Washington, D.C. during Lee Teng-hui's visit.

According to the 1995 proposal outlined by CPC General secretary and President Jiang Zemin, Taiwan would lose sovereignty and the right to self-determination, but would keep its armed forces and send a representative to be the "number two leader" in the PRC central government, in accord with the One China, Two Systems approach adopted for Hong Kong and Macau.[citation needed] Thus, under this proposal, the Republic of China would become fully defunct.[citation needed]

Few Taiwanese are in support of "One Country, Two Systems" while some unification supporters argued to uphold the status quo until mainland China democratized and industrialized to the same level as Taiwan. In the 2000 presidential election, independent candidate James Soong proposed a European Union-style relation with mainland China (this was echoed by Hsu Hsin-liang in 2004) along with a non-aggression pact. In the 2004 presidential election, Lien Chan proposed a confederation-style relationship. Beijing objected to the plan, claiming that Taiwan was already part of the China, and was not a state and therefore could not form a confederation with it.

Stasis[edit]

Unification proposals were not actively floated in Taiwan and the issue remained moot under President Chen Shui-bian, who refused to accept talks under Beijing's pre-conditions. Under the PRC administration of Hu Jintao, incorporating Taiwan lost emphasis amid the reality that the DPP presidency in Taiwan would be held by pro-independence President Chen until 2008. Instead, the emphasis shifted to meetings with politicians who opposed independence.

A series of high-profile visits in 2005 to China by the leaders of the three pan-blue coalition parties was seen as an implicit recognition of the status quo by the PRC government. Notably, Kuomintang chairman Lien Chan's trip was marked by unedited coverage of his speeches and tours (and some added positive commentary) by government-controlled media and meetings with high level officials including Hu Jintao. Similar treatment (though marked with less historical significance and media attention) was given during subsequent visits by PFP chairman James Soong and New Party chairman Yok Mu-ming. The Communists and the Pan-Blue Coalition parties emphasized their common ground in renewed negotiations under the alleged 1992 consensus, opening the three links, and opposing Taiwan's formal independence.

The PRC passed an Anti-Secession Law shortly before Lien's trip. While the Pan-Green Coalition held mass rallies to protest the codification of using military force to conquer Taiwan, the Pan-Blue Coalition was largely silent. The language of the Anti-Secession Law was clearly directed at the independence supporters in Taiwan (termed "'Taiwan independence' secessionist forces" in the law) and designed to be somewhat acceptable to the Pan-Blue Coalition. It did not explicitly declare Taiwan to be part of the People's Republic of China but instead used the term "China" on its own, allowing definitional flexibility. It made repeated emphasis of "promoting peaceful national unification" but left out the concept of "one country, two systems" and called for negotiations in "steps and phases and with flexible and varied modalities" in recognition of the concept of eventual rather than immediate incorporation of Taiwan.

Both under President Chen and President Ma Ying-jeou, the main political changes in cross-straits relationship involved closer economic ties and increased business and personal travel. Such initiatives was met by grassroots oppositions such as the Sunflower Student Movement, which successfully scuttled Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement in 2014. President Ma Ying-Jeou advocated for the revitalization of Chinese culture, as in the re-introduction of Traditional Chinese in texts to mainland China used in Taiwan and historically in China. It expressed willingness to allow Simplified Chinese to be used for informal writing.

Official "Chinese unification" claim of China (PRC)[edit]

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses the phrase "Chinese reunification" (or "Cross-Strait reunification") instead of the term "Chinese unification" (or "Cross-Strait unification") in order to emphasize its assertion that Taiwan has always belonged to China (or "Taiwan has been part of China since ancient times") and that Taiwan currently belongs to China (but is currently being sporadically occupied by alleged separatists who support Taiwan independence).

In order to maintain neutrality, this Wikipedia article is titled simply "Chinese unification", and uses the term "Chinese (re)unification" in the introduction.

Taiwan and Penghu[edit]

Officially, China (PRC) traces Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan, historically known by the Chinese as "Liuqiu" (which is closely related to the name of the modern Japanese Ryukyu Islands), back to roughly around the 3rd century CE (specifically the year 230 CE).[15] However, most Western sources, including Wikipedia, officially trace Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan back to either 1661–1662 CE (the year(s) when Koxinga established the Kingdom of Tungning in southwestern Taiwan) or 1683 CE (the year when the Qing dynasty (of China) absorbed the Kingdom of Tungning into its territory and subsequently lay claim to the entire island).

Kinmen, Matsu and Wuqiu[edit]

Regarding the Fujianese (mainland Chinese) islands remaining under Taiwanese (ROC) control, namely Kinmen and Matsu as well as the Wuqiu Islands (of Kinmen), most Western and Chinese sources generally agree that they have always belonged to China (that is, they've never discernibly belonged to any other country which is relevant in modern times).

China (PRC) considers the islands to be part of mainland China. The Pan-Blue Coalition of Taiwan (ROC) generally agrees with this position, though the Pan-Green Coalition of Taiwan is divided on the issue of whether Kinmen and Matsu are part of Taiwan or part of mainland China.

Official "Chinese unification" claim of Taiwan (ROC)[edit]

It's not entirely clear what the official "Chinese (re)unification" claim of Taiwan (ROC) actually is. This is because the official policy of Taiwan (ROC) changes depending on whether the Pan-Blue Coalition or Pan-Green Coalition is in power. This means that the "official" claim of Chinese unification in Taiwan (ROC) is not truly official, since it doesn't always apply at any given moment. The reason that this is the case is because Taiwan (ROC) is a multi-party democracy where people are more freely allowed to express differing views. Within Taiwan (ROC), the camps supporting Chinese (re)unification and Taiwan independence are roughly equal in size, hence why there is almost never a true "consensus" in Taiwan (ROC) over whether to (re)unify with China (PRC) or to push for official Taiwan independence.[citation needed]

Taiwanese (ROC) sources, regardless of whether they are Pan-Blue or Pan-Green, generally seem to trace Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan back to the year 1683, when Taiwan was incorporated into the Qing dynasty of China.[16] This is starkly different from the official Chinese (PRC) claim, which extends for nearly two millennia.

Citizen views towards "Chinese reunification"[edit]

PRC propaganda sign in Xiamen reading "一国两制统一中国" (Yīguó liǎngzhì tǒngyī zhōngguó, tr. "One country, two systems unites China")
PRC propaganda sign in Mawei reading "和平统一 一国两制" (Hépíng tǒngyī yīguó liǎngzhì, tr. "Achieve peaceful reunification under one country, two systems")
ROC propaganda sign in Kinmen reading "三民主義統一中國" (Sānmín zhǔyì tǒngyī zhōngguó, tr. "The Three Principles of the People unites China")

Taiwan (ROC)[edit]

At the beginning of the millennium, polls consistently found 70% to 80% of all Taiwanese opposed to unification with the People's Republic of China.[17][18] Public opinion on unification has not changed significantly since then.[19] Also, unification is generally not the deciding issue in Taiwanese political campaigns and elections.[20] A majority of the population is supporting the status quo of in order to avoid a military confrontation with China, but a sizable population supports a name rectification campaign.[21]

Immediate unification is not endorsed by any of the major political parties. The People First Party officially advocates that Taiwan should maintain the status quo. The Kuomintang consistently defends Republic of China's sovereignty and that there is one China, but refer to ROC and not PRC. Although those two parties and the New Party, together forming the pan-blue coalition, are viewed as supporters, in most cases they do so in a traditional sense only. Their main difference with the pan-green coalition is that they believe Taiwan should identify itself culturally with China, and oppose any loss of national identity.

Opponents of "One country, two systems" cite its implementation in Hong Kong, where despite promises of high levels of autonomy, the PRC government has gradually increased its control of Hong Kong through influx of people from the mainland, manipulation of elections and control of the media and economy.[22]

The Taiwanese pro-unification minority has at times been vocal in media and politics. For the 2004 presidential election the unification question gained some attention as different political parties were discussing the issue. A series of demonstrations, some of which organized by pro-unification minorities, gained significant attention.[23]

China (PRC)[edit]

Apart from the political agenda from the Party elites and policy experts, the PRC citizens' views are more multifaceted. Some commentators realize the economic realities that the progress made in Cross-Strait relations, including the Three Links initiatives opening up postal, transportation, and trade connections, has provided opportunities for and mutual benefits in economic development.[24] The progress in cross-strait transportation methods such as railways and ferries has made some coastal residents (e.g. in Fujian) feel that Taiwan became less distant and less exclusive.

In terms of the political progress of Chinese unification, some have a rational view on PRC's motives as well as the current stagnation in peaceful negotiations or unification progress, pointing out the strategic geographical location of Taiwan: it can strengthen China's military defense line in the South China Sea, and with Taiwan backed up by the United States, mainland may feel threatened and pressured by the U.S.[24]

However, many Chinese are concerned by the Taiwanese independent movement (“台独”), and generally are against it for various reasons. Some are purely ideological, saying that the independence movements are brainwashed radical separatists.[25] Some think it is because of "face" that Taiwan would rather sacrifice development to preserve a tough "face".[26] The negative sentiments towards Taiwanese independent were exacerbated with the recent election of Tsai Ing-wen, a candidate from the Democratic Progressive Party with a Taiwanese independence agenda. Specially, some noted that one of the ulterior motive of the "transitional justice" ideals proposed by Tsai to strengthen the outcomes of democratic reforms is to further the divide and separation from China, thereby worsening China-Taiwan relations.[27]

With regard to the future of Chinese unification, some have a positive view despite the recognition of deepening cultural and political differences, citing common ancient history, language, ethnicity, and the shared desire of peaceful development as drivers of unification.[28] Some, on the other hand, are not as hopeful and see no progress in the future, as they see the problem as essentially a complex one about foreign relations, especially regarding the power dynamics between China and the U.S., can sustain the stagnation.[24] Some also noted that with the rapid economic development and rising political status of China in the international arena, China is gaining more bargaining power and putting more pressure on Taiwan towards the unification, for example, through diplomatic isolation.[29][24]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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  20. ^ Diplomat, Euhwa Tran, The. "Taiwan's 2016 Elections: It's Not About China". The Diplomat. Retrieved 2017-11-08.
  21. ^ Yu, Ching-hsin (2017-03-15). "The centrality of maintaining the status quo in Taiwan elections". Brookings. Retrieved 2017-11-08.
  22. ^ "Beijing's crackdown on Hong Kong is alienating Taiwan- Nikkei Asian Review". Nikkei Asian Review. Retrieved 2017-11-08.
  23. ^ Corcuff, Stéphane (2004-05-01). "The Supporters of Unification and the Taiwanisation Movement". China Perspectives. 2004 (3). ISSN 2070-3449.
  24. ^ a b c d 大陆的年轻人应该如何看待台湾,台湾人,台湾问题呢? - 知乎. www.zhihu.com (in Chinese). Retrieved 2017-11-07.
  25. ^ 真正的大陆人对台湾问题的看法_台湾_天涯论坛_天涯社区. bbs.tianya.cn. Retrieved 2017-11-07.
  26. ^ 凯迪网络. [原创]关于台湾问题,大陆人必须明白的一句话…… 【猫眼看人】-凯迪社区. club.kdnet.net. Retrieved 2017-11-07.
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  28. ^ 一个华人是如何看待台湾问题的?. m.kdnet.net. Retrieved 2017-11-07.
  29. ^ Ponniah, Kevin (2017-06-14). "How China is poaching Taiwan's friends". BBC News. Retrieved 2017-11-07.

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]