**Dale Gerdemann and Gertjan van Noord**

Previous work [3,12] has shown that
Optimality Theory with * gradient* constraints generally is not
finite state. A new finite-state treatment of gradient constraints
is presented which improves upon the approximation of
[12]. The method turns out to be exact, and very
compact, for the syllabification analysis of
[19].

- Introduction
- Finite State Phonology
- The Counting Approach
- The Matching Approach
- Comparison
- Conclusion
- Bibliography
- About this document ...