Appointment of Judges (July 21)
- MR. MADISON
- stated as his reasons for the motion.
- that it
secured the responsibility of the Executive who would in general
be more capable and likely to select fit characters than the
Legislature, or even the second branch of it, who might hide
their selfish motives under the number concerned in the appointment-
- that in case of any flagrant partiality or error, in the
nomination it might be fairly presumed that two thirds of the
second branch would join in putting a negative on it
- that as
the second branch was very differently constituted when the
appointment of the Judges was formerly referred to it, and was
now to be composed of equal votes from all the States, the
principle of compromise which had prevailed in other instances required in this that there should be a concurrence of two authorities, in one of which the people, in the other the States, should
be represented.
The Executive Magistrate would be considered
as a national officer, acting for and equally sympathising with
every part of the United States. If the second branch alone
should have this power, the Judges might be appointed by a
minority, of the people, though by a majority, of the States,
which could not be justified on any principle as their proceedings
were to relate to the people, rather than to the States, and as it
would moreover throw the appointments entirely into the hands
of the Northern States, a perpetual ground of jealousy and discontent would be furnished to the Southern States.
- MR. PINCKNEY
- was for placing the appointment in the second
branch exclusively. The Executive will possess neither the requisite
knowledge of characters, nor confidence of the people for so
high a trust.
- MR. RANDOLPH
- would have preferred the mode of appointmentproposed formerly by Mr. Gorham, as adopted in the Constitution of Massachusetts but thought the motion depending so great
an improvement of the clause as it stands, that he anxiously
wished it success. He laid great stress on the responsibility of the
Executive as a security for fit appointments. Appointments by
the Legislatures have generally resulted from cabal, from personal regard, or some other consideration than a title derived
from the proper qualifications. The sarne inconveniencies will
proportionally prevail, if the appointments be referred to either
branch of the Legislature or to any other authority administered
by a number of individuals.
- MR. ELLSWORTH:
- would prefer a negative in the Executive on a
nomination by the second branch, the negative to be overruled
by a concurrence of two thirds of the second branch to the mode
proposed by the motion, but preferred an absolute appointment
by the second branch to either. The Executive will be regarded
by the people with a jealous eye. Every power for augmenting
unnecessarily his influence will be disliked. As he will be stationary it was not to be supposed he could have a better knowledge of characters. He will be more open to caresses and intrigues
than the Senate. The right to supersede his nomination will be
ideal only. A nomination under such circumstances will be equivalent to an appointment.
- MR. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
- supported the motion.
- The States
in their corporate capacity will frequently have an interest staked
on the determination of the Judges. As in the Senate the States
are to vote the Judges ought not to be appointed by the Senate.
Next to the impropriety of being Judge in one`s own cause, is the
appointment of the Judge.
- It had been said the Executive
would be uninformed of characters. The reverse was the truth.
The Senate will be so. They must take the character of candidates from the flattering pictures drawn by their friends. The
Executive in the necessary intercourse with every part of the
United States required by the nature of his administration, will or
may have the best possible information.
- It had been said that a
jealousy would be entertained of the Executive. If the Executive
can be safely trusted with the command of the army, there
cannot surely be any reasonable ground of Jealousy in the present case.
He added that if the objections against an appointment
of the Executive by the Legislature, had the weight that had been
allowed there must be some weight in the objection to an apointment of the Judges by the Legislature or by any part of it.
- MR. GERRY
- The appointment of the Judges like every other
part of the Constitution should be so modelled as to give satisfaction both to the people and to the States. The mode under consideration will give satisfaction to neither. He could not conceive
that the Executive could be as well informed of characters through
out the Union, as the Senate. It appeared to him also a strong
objection that two thirds of the Senate were required to reject a
nomination of the Executive. The Senate would be constituted in
the same manner as Congress. And the appointments of Congress have been generally good.
- MR. MADISON
- observed that he was not anxious that two
thirds should be necessary to disagree to a wmination. He had
given this form to his motion chiefly to vary it the more clearly
from one which had just been rejected. He was content to
obviate the objection last made, and accordingly so varied the
motion as to let a majority reject.
- COLONEL MASON
- found it his duty to differ from his colleagues
in their opinions and reasonings on this subject. Notwithstanding
the form of the proposition by which the appointment seemed to
be divided between the Executive and Senate, the appointment
was substantially vested in the former alone. The false complaisance which usually prevails in such cases will prevent a
disagreement to the first nominations. He considered the appointment by the Executive as a dangerous prerogative. It might
even give him an influence over the Judiciary department itself.
He did not think the difference of interest between the Northern
and Southern States could be properly brought into this argument.
It would operate and require some precautions in the case of
regulating navigation, commerce and imposts, but he could not
see that it had any connection with the Judiciary department.
- Documents >
- 1786-1800 >
- The Constitutional Convention debates and the Anti-Federalist
Papers >
- James Madison to George Washington (April 16, 1787)
- The Virginia Plan (May 29)
- Debate on Representation (May 31)
- Debate of Executive Power (June 1)
- Opposition to Executive Salaries (June 2)
- Opposition to a Unitary Executive (June 4)
- Electing Representatives (June 6)
- Debate on Method of Electing Senators (June 7)
- Debate on Veto of State Laws (June 8)
- The New Jersey Plan (June 15)
- Debate on The New Jersey Plan (June 16)
- Plan for National Government (June 18)
- Opposition to The New Jersey Plan (June 19)
- Debate on Federalism (June 21)
- Length of Term in Office for Senators (June 26)
- Debate on State Equality in the Senate (June 28-July 2)
- Majority Rule the Basic Republican Principle (July 5, 13, 14)
- Election and Term of Office of the National Executive (July 17, 19)
- The Judiciary, the Veto, and Separation of Powers (July 21)
- Appointment of Judges (July 21)
- Method of Ratification (July 23)
- Election of Executive (July 24, 25)
- First Draft of the Constitution (August 6)
- Qualifications of Suffrage (August 7, 10)
- Citizenship for Immigrants (August 9)
- Executive Veto Power (August 15)
- Slavery and Constitution (August 21, 22)
- Election and Powers of the president (Sept. 4, 5, 6)
- Opposition to the Constitution (Sept. 7, 10, 15)
- Signing the Constitution (Sept. 17)
- Speech of James Wilson (October 6, 1787)
- "John De Witt" Essay I, Oct.22, 1787
- "John De Witt" Essay II, Oct.27, 1787
- Speech of Patrick Henry (June 5, 1788)
- Amendments Proposed by the Massachusetts Convention,(Feb. 7, 1788)
- Amendments Proposed by the Virginia Convention, (June 27, 1788)
- Amendments to the Constitution (June 27, 1788)
- Amendments Proposed by The Rhode Island Convention (March 6, 1790)
- Speech of Patrick Henry (June 7, 1788)